Honorable Prime Minister, Mr. Albin Kurti,<\/p>\n
Honorable Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Glauk Konjufca,<\/p>\n
Honorable Cabinet Ministers,<\/p>\n
Deputy Prime Minister Damka,<\/p>\n
Honorable Ambassadors and Heads of Missions of the Republic of Kosovo,<\/p>\n
Honorable Representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,<\/p>\n
Honorable Guests,<\/p>\n
Honorable Media,<\/p>\n
Such meetings undoubtedly provide us with the opportunity to step away, even for a moment, from the daily rhythm of diplomacy and see our foreign policy in a broader perspective. This is especially necessary today, when many of the principles on which the international order of recent decades is based are being questioned.<\/p>\n
The relations between great powers are changing, while the economy, technology and security have become part of the same race for influence. Multilateral institutions, built on the belief that rules can limit power, are increasingly faced with cases where power is the one that tries to define the rules.<\/p>\n
In this reality, the way in which states build and exercise their influence in international relations is of particular importance. Alliances, partnerships and institutions are not only tools through which states pursue their interests, but also important sources of international influence.<\/p>\n
For many years, our diplomacy has rightly focused on the support that Kosovo required: on recognition, membership in international organizations, votes and political support. But relations between states last only when, beyond the next request, both sides have reasons to maintain and develop that relationship.<\/p>\n
Therefore, the task is to find those points where our interests coincide, where Kosovo has something to offer and where cooperation is in the interest of both parties.<\/p>\n
In less than two decades of statehood, Kosovo has managed to build an international position that once seemed much more distant. Today, 121 countries recognize us, while new recognitions over the past year have shown that this process is not over and that positions held for years can change.<\/p>\n
Non-recognitions are not a single political category. Spain does not have the same history as Greece, Greece does not have the same interests as Slovakia, and none of them see Kosovo in the same way as a country in Latin America or Asia. If we want to change a position, we must first understand what concerns them, what interests they have, and what argument might make sense to them.<\/p>\n
Diplomacy begins when, before we speak, we try to understand the other side and understand the reasons for their positions. In this regard, we have strong legal support: the
\nInternational Court of Justice has found that Kosovo’s declaration of independence did not violate international law. We must use this argument, but of course we will not remain limited to it. Eighteen years after independence, we have the opportunity to speak to states that do not yet recognize us about the Kosovo we have built and what we can do together.<\/p>\n
Kosovo has applied for membership in the European Union and continues to wait for this process to move forward. At the same time, we have chosen unequivocally to remain in line with the European Union\u2019s foreign and security policy. Our Euro-Atlantic orientation is clear, but a rules-based order is only credible if the rules apply equally even when their implementation is politically difficult. If the countries of the Western Balkans are invited to meet the integration criteria, then progress should depend on the criteria and not on obstacles that a country cannot solve through its own reforms. This should be part of our argument in every European capital.<\/p>\n
The Parliamentary Assembly has supported Kosovo\u2019s membership in the Council of Europe. We now wait for the process to be completed and for our citizens to gain full access to European mechanisms for the protection of their rights and freedoms. NATO, meanwhile, is part of our security history and the future we aim for as a state. For Kosovo, the connection with the Alliance began in 1999 and continues today with the presence of KFOR and the cooperation that our institutions have built with allied countries.<\/p>\n
The relationship with the United States of America has been crucial for Kosovo and our shared history remains a strong bond. However, we must say that the generation of American politicians who directly experienced Kosovo in the nineties is shrinking. New generations are entering Congress, the administration, the media and the institutions where American foreign policy is formed. Many of them do not have Kosovo as part of their personal political memory.<\/p>\n
In this endeavor, we can rely much more on the diaspora. Albanians in the United States and Europe have long played an important role for Kosovo, but now we have a generation that has created a name and connections in universities, institutions, businesses, but also in various professions. We must work more closely with them and use the knowledge, experience, but also the contacts they have created in the countries where they live and operate.<\/p>\n
Honorable Ambassadors,<\/p>\n
Relations with Serbia, as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister Konjufca mentioned, remain one of the main challenges of our Republic’s foreign policy.<\/p>\n
Serbia must bear responsibility for the terrorist attack in Banjska, for the attacks on KFOR members, journalists, other citizens, for the surrender of the terrorist leader Milan Radoicic and others involved in this terrorist attack, but also for clarifying the fate of over 1,500 persons who disappeared by force during the war in Kosovo. Addressing these issues is a necessary part of any process that aims for a genuine and sustainable normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia.
\nThis responsibility becomes even more sensitive in light of the developments of recent days. In Zubin Potok, at the locations of Kallud\u00ebr e Vog\u00ebl and Jabuk\u00eb, mortal remains suspected of belonging to victims of the 1998\u20131999 war have been found, while our institutions are also working on a third location suspected of being a mass grave.<\/p>\n
For our diplomats, this should be an ongoing issue of communication with the governments and institutions of the countries where they serve: our partners should know that even today, in Kosovo, new evidence of war crimes is being found and that justice for the victims and their families is still awaiting answers. Therefore, pressure should be put on Serbia to open its archives.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, Serbia continues its hegemonic policy towards Kosovo.<\/p>\n
Another serious concern that we need to address with our international partners are Vucic\u2019s recent statements on the possibility of changing the course of the Ibar River. As you know, Ib\u00ebr Lepenci and Lake Ujman are part of a vital system for water supply, energy, agriculture and the lives of hundreds of thousands of Kosovo citizens. Unilateral intervention in transboundary watercourses would have consequences far beyond a technical issue, as it would affect the water, energy, environmental and human security of our Republic. For this reason, our diplomats should make these statements known in the capitals where they serve and inform the governments of the host countries about the nature and consequences of this absurd and threatening idea. We must make it clear that using water resources as an instrument of pressure on Kosovo is unacceptable and that such ideas, which revive chauvinistic and destabilizing approaches towards Kosovo, should receive appropriate international attention and response. Kosovo expects its partners to treat any action that endangers vital water resources for the country in accordance with the principles of international law on transboundary waters, including their fair and reasonable use and the obligation to prevent significant transboundary damage.<\/p>\n
The way we govern internally also matters, because the rights we guarantee to our citizens make what we say about Kosovo more convincing abroad. Kosovo has a strong argument here too. We have built a state that guarantees communities broad rights and institutional representation. These guarantees are part of our constitutional order and one of the clearest evidences of the type of state we have chosen to build.<\/p>\n
I hope that during these days we will have open and useful conversations about the work ahead of us, to hear from you what is changing in the countries where you serve, and to see together where we should focus our attention more.<\/p>\n
I thank you for the work you are doing each and every day for the dignified representation of our Republic. In the challenges that lie ahead, I want you to know that you have our support and that we will be there for you whenever needed.<\/p>\n
I wish you good tidings and useful discussions during these days!<\/p>\n
Thank you very much!<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Honorable Prime Minister, Mr. Albin Kurti, Honorable Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Glauk Konjufca, Honorable Cabinet Ministers, Deputy Prime Minister Damka, Honorable Ambassadors and Heads of Missions of the Republic of Kosovo, Honorable Representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Honorable Guests, Honorable Media, Such meetings undoubtedly provide us with the opportunity to step away, even for a moment, from the daily rhythm of diplomacy and see our foreign policy in a broader perspective. This is especially necessary today, when many of the principles on which the international order of recent decades is based are being questioned. The relations between great powers are changing, while the economy, technology and security have become part of the same race for influence. Multilateral institutions, built on the belief that rules can limit power, are increasingly faced with cases where power is the one that tries to define the rules. In this reality, the way in which states build and exercise their influence in international relations is of particular importance. Alliances, partnerships and institutions are not only tools through which states pursue their interests, but also important sources of international influence. For many years, our diplomacy has rightly focused on the support that Kosovo required: on recognition, membership in international organizations, votes and political support. But relations between states last only when, beyond the next request, both sides have reasons to maintain and develop that relationship. Therefore, the task is to find those points where our interests coincide, where Kosovo has something to offer and where cooperation is in the interest of both parties. In less than two decades of statehood, Kosovo has managed to build an international position that once seemed much more distant. Today, 121 countries recognize us, while new recognitions over the past year have shown that this process is not over and that positions held for years can change. Non-recognitions are not a single political category. Spain does not have the same history as Greece, Greece does not have the same interests as Slovakia, and none of them see Kosovo in the same way as a country in Latin America or Asia. If we want to change a position, we must first understand what concerns them, what interests they have, and what argument might make sense to them. Diplomacy begins when, before we speak, we try to understand the other side and understand the reasons for their positions. In this regard, we have strong legal support: the International Court of Justice has found that Kosovo’s declaration of independence did not violate international law. We must use this argument, but of course we will not remain limited to it. Eighteen years after independence, we have the opportunity to speak to states that do not yet recognize us about the Kosovo we have built and what we can do together. Kosovo has applied for membership in the European Union and continues to wait for this process to move forward. At the same time, we have chosen unequivocally to remain in line with the European Union\u2019s foreign and security policy. Our Euro-Atlantic orientation is clear, but a rules-based order is only credible if the rules apply equally even when their implementation is politically difficult. If the countries of the Western Balkans are invited to meet the integration criteria, then progress should depend on the criteria and not on obstacles that a country cannot solve through its own reforms. This should be part of our argument in every European capital. The Parliamentary Assembly has supported Kosovo\u2019s membership in the Council of Europe. We now wait for the process to be completed and for our citizens to gain full access to European mechanisms for the protection of their rights and freedoms. NATO, meanwhile, is part of our security history and the future we aim for as a state. For Kosovo, the connection with the Alliance began in 1999 and continues today with the presence of KFOR and the cooperation that our institutions have built with allied countries. The relationship with the United States of America has been crucial for Kosovo and our shared history remains a strong bond. However, we must say that the generation of American politicians who directly experienced Kosovo in the nineties is shrinking. New generations are entering Congress, the administration, the media and the institutions where American foreign policy is formed. Many of them do not have Kosovo as part of their personal political memory. In this endeavor, we can rely much more on the diaspora. Albanians in the United States and Europe have long played an important role for Kosovo, but now we have a generation that has created a name and connections in universities, institutions, businesses, but also in various professions. We must work more closely with them and use the knowledge, experience, but also the contacts they have created in the countries where they live and operate. Honorable Ambassadors, Relations with Serbia, as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister Konjufca mentioned, remain one of the main challenges of our Republic’s foreign policy. Serbia must bear responsibility for the terrorist attack in Banjska, for the attacks on KFOR members, journalists, other citizens, for the surrender of the terrorist leader Milan Radoicic and others involved in this terrorist attack, but also for clarifying the fate of over 1,500 persons who disappeared by force during the war in Kosovo. Addressing these issues is a necessary part of any process that aims for a genuine and sustainable normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. This responsibility becomes even more sensitive in light of the developments of recent days. In Zubin Potok, at the locations of Kallud\u00ebr e Vog\u00ebl and Jabuk\u00eb, mortal remains suspected of belonging to victims of the 1998\u20131999 war have been found, while our institutions are also working on a third location suspected of being a mass grave. For our diplomats, this should be an ongoing issue of communication with the governments and institutions of the countries where they serve: our partners should know that even<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":18,"featured_media":192452,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_eb_attr":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[111,105],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-192516","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-news","category-speeches"],"yoast_head":"\n